↓
 ↑
Регистрация
Имя/email

Пароль

 
Войти при помощи

Комментарий к сообщению


14 июля 2023
There is though another side to the remedium concept: the remedy can be harsher and more destructive than the original illness. It may turn out to be a poison. While the word remedium appears in the Annals twenty nine times, there are as many as thirty eight occurrences of venenum. This observation brings us back to the primary deity of the Julio-Claudian dynasty: Venus. Venenum is widely thought to be derived from the same stem as venus, desire, with the meaning of something, perhaps a substance, imbued with venus. There are some doubts on how much this etymology was recognized by the Romans themselves, yet there exist some examples which may suggest the link between venus and venenum was intelligible in the antiquity. Definitely the word venenum was used at first to describe a love-inducing potion; the meaning of “poison” was developed eventually as the potions used might have caused madness and death. While venenum could have both positive (as a healing potion) and negative (poison, magical spell) connotations, another derivative from the same root, veneficus, was usually decidedly negative (poisoner or magician). Calhoon (2010:271-294) has put forward a hypothesis that Caligula and Nero were presented (not only in Tacitus’ works) as venefici and venena. I believe this appellation can apply to majority of the members of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, at least in the Tacitean narrative. For the sake of clarity I will analyze the evidence in separate subchapters. At the moment this observation allows me to reflect once again on the embassies passage (3.61-3), in which I have already noted the presence of healing gods. Yet there are also present gods related to magic: Diana in her many guises, especially Diana Persica, connected with the Zoroastrian Magi, and Diana Trivia, the Greek Hecate. Venus herself is not innocent of magical connections. In Homer there is the description of her girdle, which allowed the wearer to seduce any man she wanted (Il. 14.214-7). The girdle was definitely perceived as “magical” by Vergil (Ecl. 8.77-8), Tibullus (1.8.5-6) and Plutarch (Mor. 23c). Aphrodite’s name was also used in magical invocations. One of her closest companions was Peitho, Roman Suada, i.e. the goddess of persuasion (especially in the realm of seduction). The link between magic (veneficia) and seductive speech (blandimenta) is constantly underlined in Latin literature, from Plautus to Ovid (Amores 1.8.103-4; 3.7, Met. 9.156) and Vergil (Aen. 1.670-688). Apart from magic, the specific Venuses mentioned by Tacitus are also connected with androgyny and homosexuality (see above). Venus is also associated with adultery, “slavery” and theatre. I believe that Tacitus used the enumeration of gods and goddesses in the embassies passage not only to show the religious fundaments of the principate, but also to parade the worst vices and excesses of the JulioClaudians and their rule: from Caligula’s androgyny (Ann. 6.5) to Nero’s fondness of theatre. He seems to be using the images of the religious propaganda (victory, healing, peace and prosperity/fertility) in order to subvert it (slavery, poisoning and magical arts, adultery). The subject definitely deserves a closer study, yet in here I will concentrate principally on the connections with magic.
The prevalence of opinion is underlined again in 2.64, where Germanicus’ friends, having no doubts whatsoever that he was poisoned and attacked by black magic, prepare the prosecution and send to Rome Martina, a favourite of Plancina and a woman famous in the province for her veneficia (2.74, a word which could denote easily an expertise in both magic and poisons). Tacitus mentions her again at 3.7, in almost the same words (infamem veneficiis; famosam veneficiis): she dies suddenly upon reaching Italy (in Brundisium) and her body does not show any signs of suicide attempt, but a poison (venenum) is found hidden in her hair. The circumstances of her death markedly resemble those of Germanicus’: suddenness, no physical signs of poisoning and a substance, which might have been a culprit, hidden close to her body (though in Germanicus’ case there is no doubt the hidden objects were magical; in here, venenum could also denote poison).
Источник. Тоже интересно прочесть полностью: кроме того, что делается больший упор на значение ядовитости, рассматривается много конкретных обвинений в магии во времена ранней Римской империи. Не полезно для нашего случая, но интересно само по себе, может быть когда-нибудь я обращу взгляд и на эту эпоху.
ПОИСК
ФАНФИКОВ







Закрыть
Закрыть
Закрыть